http://sm.psas.ir/ Transcendent Policy en daily 1 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 http://sm.psas.ir/article_737542.html The present study aims to examine the capacities of the institution of Wilāyat Faqīh in confronting the challenge of the reversibility of the system of Wilāyat Faqīh. The central issue is that every political system, particularly ideological systems, is susceptible to deviation from and reversion to its foundational principles, objectives, and values; consequently, such systems require stable mechanisms to safeguard their identity and functionality. This research employs a descriptive-analytical method. The findings indicate that ijtihād grounded in the requirements of time and place, Wilāyah Muṭlaqah Faqīh (the Absolute Guardianship of the Jurist), the authority to issue ḥukm ḥukūmatī (governmental decrees), and the institutional function of monitoring and safeguarding the goals and values of the political system constitute the most significant capacities of the institution of Wilāyat Faqīh in controlling the challenges of reversibility. Accordingly, beyond preventing deviation from the principles and ideals of the Islamic Revolution, the institution of Wilāyat Faqīh is also capable, in times of crisis, of resolving systemic challenges and continuously guiding the political system, thereby preventing reversibility and contributing to the consolidation and deepening of the system’s identity. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736843.html Drawing upon the status of justice as one of the most fundamental indicators of good governance in international development documents and frameworks, this study seeks to explain the relationship between criminal justice and good governance and to analyze the scope and limits of the criminal judge’s authority in the process of the judicial characterization of the criminal phenomenon. In this regard, the central question concerns the extent to which, within criminal proceedings, the criminal judge is confined to the explicit wording and concepts of statutory law and the extent to which the judge may, when confronted with emerging manifestations of criminality, provide an appropriate, dynamic characterization that is consistent with social developments, thereby facilitating the fuller realization of justice. This issue is significant because the understanding of the judge’s role directly affects the effectiveness of the criminal justice system and its capacity to respond to the evolving needs of society. The research hypothesis posits that the realization of justice within the framework of good governance requires moving beyond a purely passive conception of the criminal judge’s role and recognizing an active, guiding, and interpretive function in the process of criminal characterization, while ensuring that such a role is exercised within the framework of the fundamental principles of criminal law and the standards of due process. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library-based sources, this study examines the theoretical foundations of both the classical and the modern approaches to the authority of the criminal judge and analyzes the practical reflection of these two approaches in light of Iranian judicial practice. The findings indicate that although the traditional approach, based on the principles of the separation of powers and the principle of legality of crimes and punishments, regards the judge merely as an executor of the law, Iranian judicial practice, when confronted with emerging forms of criminal phenomena, has demonstrably moved toward a more modern approach. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737543.html Lebanese society is widely characterized as a sectarian society, and religious violence in Lebanon has been regarded as a consequence of sectarianism, which became particularly prominent in Lebanese society during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Sectarianism in Lebanon constitutes part of the colonial legacy left by the British, French, and Ottoman Empires as a result of their involvement in the Levant. This study seeks to examine the rejection of the phenomenon of sectarianism in the thought of Imam Musa Sadr. In this regard, the experience of Sayyid Musa Sadr, as a reform-minded Shiʿi cleric and a reformist faqīh (Islamic jurist), is investigated. Accordingly, dialogue is presented as one of the most influential approaches for engaging with a pluralistic world marked by contradictions, wars, and conflicts, and particularly as an approach for the development and advancement of societies, especially in the Middle East, where, despite decades of efforts, the flames of war have continued to spread across many national borders. On this basis, Sadr’s dialogical approach is introduced as an effective method for overcoming these seemingly endless conflicts through confronting sectarianism. The study adopts a mixed-methods design, employing both discourse analysis of the writings and thought of Sayyid Musa Sadr and in-depth interviews with Iranian and Lebanese scholars who possess extensive familiarity with his thought and works. The findings demonstrate how Sayyid Musa Sadr, by emphasizing dialogue and coexistence among religions and Islamic schools of thought during the 1960s to the 1980s, substantially contributed to reducing tensions within Lebanon’s sectarian society. http://sm.psas.ir/article_731342.html The purpose of this study is to examine the possibility and limits of granting certain judicial powers to the police and to investigate approaches to utilizing the judicial police structure within criminal justice systems. In recent years, the delegation of judicial powers to the police in certain countries has raised concerns regarding interference with the principle of the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary. Accordingly, the principal research question concerns the scope of the police’s judicial intervention, its legal requirements, and the manner in which it is exercised in England, France, and Iran, as well as how concerns over the concentration of police and judicial functions—from crime detection to the issuance of judgments—within the police institution may be addressed. It appears that, by drawing upon successful international experiences and redefining the structure of the “judicial police,” it is possible to confer certain limited judicial powers upon the police in Iran, provided that specialized training, stringent recruitment standards, and continuous supervision of police officers are ensured, without undermining the principles of fair trial. This comparative study employs a descriptive-analytical method to examine the laws, institutional structures, and approaches adopted in England, France, and Iran. The findings demonstrate that although concentrating investigative, accusatory, and adjudicative powers within the police raises serious concerns, the experiences of France and England in utilizing judicial police institutions and specializing police functions have substantially alleviated these concerns. Consequently, within Iran’s criminal justice system, provided that adequate oversight, stringent recruitment regulations, and specialized training for police officers and judicial officers are implemented, it would be feasible to grant the police certain limited judicial powers in order to expedite the criminal justice process. http://sm.psas.ir/article_729543.html The present study aims to examine the capacities of Shiʿi political jurisprudence in explaining the possibility of women assuming positions of wilāyah and political authority, including the offices of Supreme Leadership, the Presidency, and ministerial positions. The article primarily focuses on analyzing the jurisprudential views of Āyat Allāh Nāʾīnī and evaluating the potential of his theoretical framework, particularly his analogy of government to a waqf (endowment), for rethinking the issue of women’s political wilāyah and their political rights within Shiʿi jurisprudence. The central research question is whether the possibility of women's political wilāyah can be inferred on the basis of the principles of Shiʿi political jurisprudence, especially the jurisprudential thought of Āyat Allāh Nāʾīnī. This study employs an analytical-comparative method. It first examines the issue of women serving as judges as one of the principal theoretical foundations of the discussion of political wilāyah. It then analyzes the most important intellectual and jurisprudential foundations of Āyat Allāh Nāʾīnī, including the theory of constitutional government, the principle of barāʾah (presumption of freedom from obligation) or ibāḥah (permissibility), and the analogy of government to a waqf, while assessing their capacity to explain the possibility of women holding political office. The findings indicate that, in Nāʾīnī’s thought, the qualifications of the supervisor (nāẓir) of a waqf and those of the Islamic ruler are founded upon such characteristics as trustworthiness, competence, and merit, whereas gender is not regarded as an independent qualification for holding these positions. Furthermore, in light of the absence of explicit sharʿī evidence prohibiting women from holding positions equivalent to judicial office and the lack of any prohibition against their supervision of endowments, it is possible to identify significant capacities within Shiʿi political jurisprudence for reinterpreting women’s political rights. Nāʾīnī’s theory, particularly his analogy of government to a charitable endowment and his emphasis on competence and trustworthiness rather than gender, provides substantial jurisprudential grounds for inferring the possibility of women’s participation in political and wilāyah-based positions. Moreover, his acceptance of the principle of barāʾah or ibāḥah strengthens the possibility of expanding women’s political rights in accordance with the requirements of changing times. Accordingly, Nāʾīnī’s jurisprudential views may be regarded as one of the significant capacities of Shiʿi political jurisprudence for rethinking the issue of women’s political wilāyah and for advancing jurisprudential studies in the field of women’s political rights. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736848.html West Asia and parts of Africa (Libya, Sudan, and others) have been confronted with conflicts and wars that have emerged as a consequence of external rivalries within the international system. In these regions, war has become an instrument employed by major powers to exert pressure on their international rivals. However, the states in which these wars take place bear irreparable consequences. The intervention of extra-regional powers in West Asia has produced a geopolitical condition characterized by instability and disorder, resulting in the emergence of numerous proxy wars throughout the region. Holding states accountable before the international community, requiring compensation for material and moral damages, and politically isolating those responsible can play a significant role in resolving these crises. The present study seeks to answer the following question: How can international mechanisms be utilized to mitigate crises arising from proxy wars in regions such as the Middle East and Africa? It is argued that, by employing the institutional capacities of the United Nations and the International Law Commission, the international responsibility of third states involved in proxy wars can be determined, thereby contributing to the reduction of the adverse consequences of such conflicts. Furthermore, the existing legal frameworks, which are generally formulated by organs of international organizations and are themselves influenced by major powers, can positively improve the conduct of these states, while Member States of the United Nations may demonstrate their influence by raising issues related to armed conflict within the Organization. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study demonstrates that, because proxy wars originate from interventions external to the affected regions, reliance on international relations paradigms such as the balance of power merely intensifies confrontation and increases casualties. Accordingly, the most effective approach to reducing crises arising from proxy wars lies in the adoption of preventive legal measures. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736846.html The emergence of social media networks has transformed the dynamics of power in modern societies and challenged traditional theoretical frameworks of power. This study examines the role of social media in redefining the concept of power during the 2019 protests in Lebanon and Iraq by employing content analysis to investigate data collected from these platforms. The findings indicate that social media functioned not only as a tool for the rapid dissemination of information but also as an effective instrument for shaping public opinion, organizing protests, and mobilizing the public. During these protests, hashtags played a pivotal role in facilitating coordination and communication, thereby fostering cohesion among protesters. This, in turn, increased public awareness and accelerated the process of social mobilization. Moreover, influencers and independent media played a significant role in presenting critical perspectives, challenging official discourse, and weakening state-sponsored narratives. At the same time, the widespread dissemination of protest-related images and videos further strengthened the role of social media in shaping public opinion and attracting international solidarity. The results demonstrate that, within this environment, power is exercised primarily through soft power. This transformation has shifted the concept of power from direct domination toward influence and persuasion. Furthermore, social media have reduced the authority of states while strengthening the power of the public, functioning as a challenging instrument against traditional structures of power. In addition, by creating new spaces for dialogue and information exchange, these platforms have contributed to the development of political and social awareness among citizens. Consequently, social media are not merely channels for information dissemination but also constitute a platform for transforming and redefining the concept of power in modern societies. This finding further underscores the importance of analyzing the role of these networks in political and social developments and highlights the necessity of examining their implications for the future of governance systems and political structures. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736845.html The present study aims to explain the origins of political Jāhiliyyah from the perspective of Sayyid Quṭb and to examine the means of overcoming it. Given the central position of the concept of Jāhiliyyah within Sayyid Quṭb’s intellectual framework, an examination of its political dimensions provides a more precise understanding of his views on government, sovereignty, and Islamic society. The principal research question concerns what Sayyid Quṭb identifies as the origin of political Jāhiliyyah and what solution he proposes for overcoming it. More specifically, the study asks whether, in his view, political Jāhiliyyah is confined to the pre-Islamic era or whether it encompasses every political system founded upon non-divine sovereignty. This research employs a descriptive-analytical method based primarily on the intellectual works of Sayyid Quṭb, particularly his Qur'anic exegetical writings. Data were collected from library sources and subsequently analyzed through conceptual and content analysis to examine his views regarding the origins of political Jāhiliyyah and the path toward liberation from it. The findings indicate that Sayyid Quṭb does not restrict Jāhiliyyah to the period preceding the Prophetic Mission (Biʿthah); rather, he regards it as a transhistorical concept. From his perspective, the origin of political Jāhiliyyah lies in human sovereignty over human beings and in legislation based on sources other than the Divine Sharīʿah. Accordingly, any government that derives its legitimacy and legislative authority from a source other than God falls within the realm of Jāhiliyyah, even if it is established in the name of Islam and within a Muslim society. According to Sayyid Quṭb, the path out of political Jāhiliyyah consists of returning to the sovereignty of God, rejecting humanity’s legislative domination over humanity, and establishing an Islamic society and government founded upon the teachings of the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet. Within this framework, educating a generation of believers who possess a profound awareness of the principles of Tawḥīd constitutes the essential prerequisite for realizing an Islamic political order and transcending political Jāhiliyyah. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736842.html The present study aims to identify and classify the pathologies affecting the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in the visual programs of Iran’s National Media and to propose an optimal model for strengthening this discourse with particular emphasis on the values of resistance, self-sacrifice (īthār), and martyrdom (shahādah). The principal research question is: What are the existing deficiencies in the representation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in the National Media, and what strategic model can be formulated to strengthen this discourse on the basis of these values? In terms of its objective, the study is applied research, while methodologically it adopts a qualitative approach using thematic analysis based on the Attride-Stirling (2001) framework. The statistical population consisted of fifteen experts in media management and communication studies, selected through purposive and theoretical sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed by means of theoretical coding (basic, organizing, and global themes). To assess validity and reliability, auditing and replicability (reliability coefficient) were employed in the qualitative section, while content validity and Scott’s reliability coefficient were used in the quantitative section. The findings reveal that the pathology model of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution consists of four global themes, eight organizing themes, and eighteen basic themes. Furthermore, the proposed model for strengthening this discourse comprises three global themes, seven organizing themes, and thirty-seven basic themes, both of which achieved theoretical saturation. The results indicate that the application of knowledge management in presenting the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, together with an authentic and engaging representation of visual content related to the culture of īthār, shahādah, and resistance, plays a pivotal role in neutralizing existing deficiencies and enhancing the quality of National Media programs. This approach can contribute to a deeper institutionalization of the values of the Sacred Defense (Difāʿ Muqaddas) within public opinion. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736847.html Educational curricula play a significant role in institutionalizing the values of the prevailing ideology. Accordingly, the primary objective of this study is to examine the components of political modernization reflected in high school civic education textbooks during the rule of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2001–2021). The principal research question is: What role did civic education textbooks play in institutionalizing the components of political modernization? The study assumes that educational institutions, instructional programs, and school textbooks are of particular importance in achieving the “new society” and the “new individual,” regarded as the most significant outcomes of modernization in general and political modernization in particular, and that the components of political modernization were adequately reflected in civic education textbooks. This study employs both content analysis and a descriptive-analytical method. The findings indicate that components of modernization, including political participation, democracy, gender equality, human rights, and freedom of the press, were prominently emphasized in civic education textbooks. However, the necessary conditions for sustaining these components were not established. Insecurity, an irrational political culture, gender inequality, and a crisis of authority were among the factors that prevented the emergence of the new individual and the new society as outcomes of modernization in Afghanistan. The absence of effective agents and institutional structures, together with the lack of objective and subjective conditions necessary for liberal values, of which the components of modernization constitute a part, ultimately led to the collapse of Afghanistan’s political system after twenty years. http://sm.psas.ir/article_723436.html The central concern of this study is to understand the position of Shūrā (consultation) and Shūrācracy within the political thought of the Iranian Ahl al-Sunnah. The relationship between Shūrā and governance has consistently occupied a central place in the discussions of Muslim scholars, giving rise to a wide range of interpretations and theoretical perspectives. In one classification, contemporary theories of Shūrā may be distinguished into two principal categories: the General Theory of Shūrā (Shūrā al-Jamāʿah) and the elitist theory of Shūrā. The General Theory of Shūrā (Shūrācracy) advocates the authoritative nature of consultative governance in contrast to elitist mechanisms centered on an individual ruler or governing institution. As a concept derived from the revealed texts, Shūrā has likewise occupied a prominent position among the Iranian Ahl al-Sunnah, serving as both a theoretical and practical foundation. At the same time, a review of the political and social history of the Iranian Ahl al-Sunnah reveals a spectrum of views and theories advanced by different scholars and intellectual movements, each of which may be classified according to its underlying orientation and its degree of conformity with Shūrācracy. This study seeks to examine the Iranian Sunni interpretation of Shūrā and to evaluate its points of convergence and divergence with the theoretical foundations of Shūrācracy. The principal research question is how, through an examination of the nature and implications of the political reason of the Iranian Ahl al-Sunnah, the theoretical foundations of Shūrācracy may be conceptualized and its relationship to political system-building determined. Employing a qualitative methodology based on thematic analysis, the study analyzes published works, written sources, and available scholarly investigations, complemented by field observations and in-depth interviews with twenty-five Sunni religious and political scholars. The findings indicate that an examination of the concept of Shūrā within the religious culture and political tradition of the Iranian Ahl al-Sunnah gives rise to the theories of the Shūrā of Ulī al-Amr, the Civil Shūrā, the Salafi Shūrā, and Collective Ijtihād (Ijtihād Shūrāʾī). Each of these theories reflects either a maximalist or a minimalist approach to the principles of Shūrācracy (the General Theory of Shūrā). http://sm.psas.ir/article_729992.html multicultural societies and the reinforcement of ethnic and religious components. In this context, the fields of political science and social sciences have increasingly focused on the concept of ethnic policymaking within nations. Political systems are striving to formulate ethnic policies through a scientific lens, taking into account the unique features of their political structures, ecosystems, and tangible realities. The notion of ethnic policymaking, particularly in the regions of Southwest Asia (the Middle East), holds significant importance; in Iran, various models and methods have been developed and pursued in this domain since the Islamic Revolution. The central question of this research is: What trends characterize ethnic policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and how can an optimal policy model be articulated within a regulatory and effective framework? Although commendable efforts have been made to analyze ethnic policies from political perspectives, this study aims to elucidate several distinct policymaking models with an innovative approach, subsequently proposing an ideal ethnic policymaking model utilizing the theoretical framework of "Meta SWOT." The data collection method employed in this research is based on a library model, employing descriptive and analytical methodologies. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736844.html The present study aims to examine the necessity of the principle of continuity of public services and its impact on achieving good governance within the framework of Iran’s legal system. The realization of good governance is attainable through various channels, one of the most significant of which is undoubtedly the provision of public services. The principal issue addressed in this study is the relationship between these two variables. The provision of public services constitutes one of the defining features of the modern state, seeking to ensure public satisfaction, and consequently the continuity of governance, through the promotion of public welfare. Over time, this concept has evolved into an established body of explicit legal rules governing public services. The principal research question is how the level, quality, and continuity of public services in Iran facilitate the achievement of good governance. The governing framework for addressing this question is provided by the supreme legal norms of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is argued that the provision of public services, through guaranteeing such rights as the right to education, the right to health, social security, freedom of religion, gender equality, and related rights, enhances public satisfaction with governing authorities in Iran and thereby facilitates the realization of good governance. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736489.html This article analyzes the political approach of the Noble Qur'an and the influence of the imperative and prohibitive rhetorical styles in the Āyāt al-Aḥkām concerning Jihād. The primary objective of this research is to elucidate the human, social, and political relationships reflected in the verses on Jihād and to examine the impact of these rhetorical forms on political and social decision-making during the lifetime of the Prophet (PBUH) and thereafter. The findings indicate that the verses concerning Jihād, particularly those found in Sūrat Baqarah, Sūrat Āl ʿImrān, and Sūrat Tawbah, are structured in a manner that emphasizes the ethical and social dimensions of Jihād alongside its military aspects. The imperative and prohibitive styles employed in these verses not only convey divine commands but also communicate secondary meanings concerning justice, the pursuit of truth, and the defense of the oppressed. This approach reminds Muslims that Jihād extends beyond a purely military concept and is presented as a means of realizing justice and establishing social balance. The study employs analytical and exegetical methods to examine the relevant Qur'anic verses. Drawing upon authoritative Qur'anic commentaries such as al-Mīzān by ʿAllāmah Ṭabāṭabāʾī and Majmaʿ al-Bayān by al-Ṭabrisī, the findings demonstrate that Jihād in the Qur'an is defined not merely as physical combat but as an endeavor to uphold human rights, defend the mustaḍʿafūn (the oppressed), and establish social justice. The Qur'anic verses indicate that Jihād serves as an instrument for the realization of justice and the protection of the rights of the oppressed rather than merely constituting a military action. More broadly, a deeper understanding of the secondary meanings conveyed through the imperative and prohibitive styles of the Qur'an can contribute to the establishment of social and political institutions founded upon justice and peaceful coexistence. Such an approach can provide a basis for constructive dialogue among different religious schools and cultures while fostering a more profound understanding of the humanistic and ethical principles underlying Jihād. Ultimately, these findings may contribute to the promotion of security, peace, and friendship among diverse societies and offer a model for policymaking grounded in both Islamic and humanitarian principles. By emphasizing the ethical and social dimensions of Jihād, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of Qur'anic concepts and their application within contemporary societies. http://sm.psas.ir/article_722959.html The state is regarded as a macro-institution encompassing many other significant institutions; consequently, the process of state-building is of considerable importance. One of the fundamental challenges in the formation of state institutions is the existence of patronage institutions, which, through rent-seeking and favoritism, generate numerous social and political conflicts. The present study analyzes the process of state-building during the Second Pahlavi period from the perspective of historical institutionalism. Within this framework, the coup d’état of 19 August 1953 (28 Mordad 1332) is considered a critical juncture, since the principal structure of Mohammad Reza Shah’s rule took shape after this event and became institutionalized as a military authoritarian state. Measures such as the Land Reform and the White Revolution can likewise be analyzed within this context. Furthermore, the principal institutions involved in state-building during this period are examined, demonstrating that all of them functioned through patronage and essentially served as the primary instruments for extending state power throughout society. This institutional structure intensified social inequality and discrimination while accelerating the process of unbalanced development, because the principal social groups benefiting from the regime’s patronage policies belonged to the urban upper classes, and even the human and financial resources of the lower classes were utilized to promote the economic growth of the upper strata. Consequently, during the early 1970s, class inequality in Iran reached its highest level compared with the preceding twenty years and even with the subsequent period (the first two decades following the Islamic Revolution), while organized corruption became deeply entrenched within the Pahlavi political system. Ultimately, this pattern of state-building prevented a substantial segment of society from pursuing its demands through peaceful means. As a result, reformist tendencies weakened, revolutionary orientations intensified, and opponents and non-supporters of the regime, who had long been marginalized, entered the political arena and laid the groundwork for the collapse of the Pahlavi regime. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737766.html A political party is a modern political institution and refers to an organized group of individuals who share common political ideas and strive to achieve specific objectives. Among the most important functions of political parties are articulating and transmitting public demands to decision-making centers and enhancing the legitimacy and public acceptance of governing systems. Iran and Türkiye possess a long history of political parties and political organizations within the Islamic world. Nevertheless, both countries remain considerably distant from the optimal level of organization and effective public participation required for political development. It appears that, following the Islamic Revolution, the evolution of the party system in Iran has remained at the stage of expansion and has not yet reached the stage of institutionalization, whereas in Türkiye the party system has developed greater similarities with modern party models found elsewhere in the world. Given the cultural, social, and geographical proximity of the two countries, the present study comparatively examines the political systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Türkiye. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and drawing upon the theoretical framework of Patrice Duran, the study seeks to answer the following question: How has the nature of Iran’s Islamic religious political system, in comparison with Türkiye’s secular political system, influenced party policymaking in these two countries? The findings indicate that the religious political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, compared with the secular political system of Türkiye, has exerted a direct influence on the party policymaking of both countries. The differences between their approaches to party policymaking are more substantial than their similarities. Finally, the respective strengths and weaknesses of each system are comparatively evaluated, enabling the study to offer recommendations for enhancing the performance and political role of parties in promoting genuine democracy, expanding public participation, strengthening popular legitimacy, and ensuring the sustainability of the governing system. http://sm.psas.ir/article_718599.html The confrontation between Iran and the United States is the most important aspect of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, so that the consequences of this confrontation have also affected regional and global equations. In this regard, this article analyzes and evaluates Stephen Walt's threat balance theory with the aim of applying a proportional theory to understand the causes of the conflict between these two countries.The main question raised in this article is that according to the theory of balance of threats, what are the reasons for creating and intensifying the confrontation between Iran and America? The findings of the research, which were obtained by descriptive and analytical methods, show that all four components of creating a threat, which were proposed by Walt, were present in the relations between Iran and the United States, and therefore, the confrontation between these two countries in the form of the application of the aforementioned theory. Before analysis and justification. http://sm.psas.ir/article_719164.html The system of personal and psycho-political structures of the policy maker is one of the most important forms of understanding his behavior and decision-making. Although Several factors have an effect on the type of understanding and decision-making of an issue by the policy maker, but without a doubt, the personal psychological constructs Cognitive in the sense of his perception and beliefs play an important role in this process. In this regard, explaining the decision-making of the nuclei to-The title of one of the most important foreign policy challenges that has affected Iran's relations in all dimensions for more than a decade. Without knowing this issue will be incomplete. Therefore, with the aim of investigating the effect of psychology of cognition on the path of nuclear diplomacy, the question of this -Research is that; Ahmadinejad's and Rouhani's cognitive psychology causes the dominance of what kind of leadership style and decision-making model The file is nuclear. Complete victory in the field of foreign policy requires the provision of various factors, such as Foreign policy goals are said to provide "national interests". The find show that spiritual personality tof transformational leadewed by the us e. Itctive in the of nuclear diplomacy has been. http://sm.psas.ir/article_719595.html Seyyed Qutb, the great theoretician of the Muslim Brotherhood, spread his thoughts to the world of Islam by writing books such as "Maalam Fi al-Tariq" and "Fi Jhal al-Qur'an". This research aims to evaluate and criticize (reproduce) the Salafist thoughts of Seyyed Qutb, his thoughts were influenced by Ibn Taymiyyah and his student Ibn Qayyim Jozi, and he is considered one of the influencers of Salafist thought in the new era. . Using the descriptive-analytical method, this research tries to answer the question of how influential the reproduction of Seyyed Qutb's thoughts has been in the conceptual evolution of Salafism in Iran. Based on the findings of the research, the intersection of Seyyed Qutb's thoughts and the epistemological foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran sometimes seriously criticizes the ideas of Western political philosophy and opposition to secularism and the necessity of forming an Islamic government and Islamic society, in order to form Islamic civilization, but in recent years, Seyyed's intellectual legacy Qutb more or less caused an intellectual deviation from Islam and caused the reproduction of Salafism in Islam and made it possible to strengthen the tradition of appearance in the form of jihad movements. http://sm.psas.ir/article_720420.html یکی از مهمترین مباحث در این تحقیق بررسی نقش اراده در ایجاد تعهد است. منابع تعهد داخل در دو مفهوم کلی اعمال حقوقی و وقایع حقوقی قرار دارد. یکی از پایه‌های اصلی تحقیق حاضر بررسی نقش اراده در ایجاد تعهد است. در حقیقت، محقق به دنبال پاسخ دادن به این سوال است که اولاً اراده چیست و از چه عناصری تشکیل یافته است؟ در درجه دوم، اراده چه نقشی را در تشکیل تعهدات بازی می‌کند؟ سپس باید ملاحظه کرد که آیا تاثیر اراده در تشکیل و ایجاد تعهدات را باید به عنوان یک قاعده کلی و مطلق بررسی کرد یا آنکه در این خصوص باید بین تعهدات با منشاء قرارداد و تعهدات با منشاء خارج از قرارداد قائل به تفکیک شد؟ اراده از نظر قانون مدنی همان قصد و رضا است. اما از نظر تحلیلی همین قصد و رضا دارای مقدماتی هستند که بدون در نظر گرفتن آنها امکان تشکیل اراده‌ای سالم وجود ندارد http://sm.psas.ir/article_721208.html One of the most important indicators and factors for the development of societies that havedifferent ethnicities is to create solidarity and unity through a fair distribution of resources.Fair distribution of resources and facilities in the society will cause the satisfaction and trustof the people in the government and they will have a greater sense of duty and belonging tothe ruling political system. But feelings of injustice can increase the gap between society and government and it will lead to political instability in society. The main purpose of this studyas to identify the perception and attitude of the Baluch people towards distributive justicein Golestan province. The research method, with respect to the objectives, was a fieldresearch method. The data collected through a researcher made questionnaire completedb y a randomly selected sampling from Baluch ethic group. The statistical population of thisstudy is all Baluch people aged 18 and over who lived in Golestan province. The sample sizewere 204 people who were selected by systematic random sampling. Cronbach's alphacoefficient was used to evaluate the reliability of the questionnaire. http://sm.psas.ir/article_722572.html اFirst, one should know the owner of the right of citizenship, that is, the type of human being. According to the teachings of the Quran and the Sunnah, the Imam considers man involved in exaltation and humility, but he believes in the inherent dignity of man. In addition, it considers man as a civil being whose growth depends on the duties of faith that he has towards others. Finally, the division of citizenship rights according to the existing text of the Prophet's words in the Nahj al-Balagha, including sermons, letters and wisdom, was discussed and an attempt was made to understand the internal logic of the Nahj al-Balagha by using the text as well as the verses related to the discussion and hadiths of the prophets and imams. May the innocent be received. In addition, some commentaries of the noble book Nahj al-Balagha and Tarikh were also used. As a result, according to Imam, man is a two-dimensional being and his needs are spiritual and material. For the Imam, government is meant in the direction of creating justice, and the mere possession of power is worth more than a patched shoe. http://sm.psas.ir/article_728069.html روابط میان کشورهادر نظام بین‎الملل نیازمند قواعد تنظیم‎گر است. مهمترین مولفه موثر بر کنش دولت‎ها در نظام بین‎الملل مفهوم «مسئولیت» است. اینکه دولت‎ها در چه شرایطی مسئول رفتارها و پیامدهای خود هستند و در چه شرایطی نیستند؟ از جمله مسئله‎های مهم در تنظیم روابط بین‎الملل است(مسئله). بر این اساس اندیشمندان تلاش کرده اند تا قواعد تنظیم‎گر مرتبط با مسئولیت دولت‎ها را استخراج نمایند. از جمله قواعد مهم در این قلمرو، قاعده احسان است که مورد توجه بسیاری از فقها، حقوقدانان و پژوهشگران عرصه بین‎الملل قرارگرفته است. پرسش پژوهش حاضر این است که قاعده احسان چگونه در تنظم روابط بین‎الملل میان دولت‎ها نقش افرینی می‎کند(سوال). به نظر می‎رسد که قاعده احسان با توجه به ایجاد الزامات اجتماعی برای طرفین، زمینه‎های سواستفاده را کاهش داده و ضمن کمک به برقراری ثبات وامنیت در روابط حقوقی، مانع از هر گونه سوء نیت و سوء استفاده در اعمال حقوقی می‎گردد.(فرضیه). این پژوهش با روش توصیفی تحلیلی انجام شده است و به این نتیجه رسیده است که براساس قاعده احسان، دولتی که بدون سوقصد اسیبی به کشور دیگر رسانده است، عمل او مسئولیت آور نیست. زیرا با وجود حسن نیت و وارد نکردن زیانی بیش از زیان اول، نمی‎تون دولت کنشگر را مجازات کرد. http://sm.psas.ir/article_722441.html In developing countries such as Iran, what is agreed about development has a legislative and codified background in previous historical eras, which is a valuable treasure for knowing the successes and obstacles of development, therefore, in this research, which is descriptive and analytical It has been prepared and arranged, the main concern is to examine the role of governments of the second Pahlavi era in design and implementationLack of opportunity for non-governmental social bodies, trickle growth and class gap, increase in corruption, increase in non-native and imitative approaches to development, uneven urban development and high rate of migration from villages, lack of significant and targeted growth in agriculture, literacy and role-playing sectors. Finally, women could not achieve the long-term goals of the development path in the second Pahlavi era and deviated from the main path, so that the path of development laid by the governments ultimately led to The Pahlavi dynasty fellWhat was the strategy of the second Pahlavi regime in the design and implementation of economic and social development programs and on what basis were the economic and social development programs and plans planned. The results of the research show that the strategies of designing and http://sm.psas.ir/article_722793.html The connection of economy and politics in the domestic and international sphere, which is considered as the shaper of economic diplomacy, is a necessary matter. Governments that are concerned about development put this issue at the top of their policies. The aim of the research is to examine the consistency of Iran's foreign policy and economic policy in the 11th and 12th governments.The hypothesis of the research which was written with analytical and explanatory methodology and using different sources is this; that the mutual consistency of foreign policy and economic policy and ignoring it in the governments caused us to witness ups and downs in economic development;which appeared in a positive way in the first period and in a negative way in the second period. The result of the research shows that in the 11th government, when the internal consensus was in support of the negotiations and the international conditions were ready, a nuclear agreement was reached, but in the 12th government, with the coming of Trump and the change of the executive elite in America, and the adoption of policies Hostile like ( JCPOA) and riftIn the internal consensus, the positive effects of foreign policy on economic development decreased. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736840.html The JCPOA is a multilateral agreement that emerged with the joint work of the 5+1 countries and Iran, with the aim of ensuring international peace and security.According to the prediction of experts, in the short period of its implementation, a positive trend in guiding the developments in the Middle East towards stability and from a political point of view and various aspects of security, including economic security, was very useful for Iran. The present article is formed around the main question that with the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA, between 2018-2024, what is the direction and direction of Tehran's foreign policy? In response to the above question, the main assumption of the article is that Iran moved its foreign policy to the east with the aim of reducing the severity of the consequences of American and Western sanctions and reating a balance of power in the region. It focuses on the political and economic effects of this withdrawal. The research method is descriptive and analytical. The findings showed that the behavior of America and Iran caused Iran to get closer to the great powers of Russia and China to the east and to distance itself from Europe. http://sm.psas.ir/article_736841.html in pajooshi ba didegah jamaeishenakht, naqsh marasm arabiin hasini bacpehonvan yek nehad ejtemaei khodsamandeh, nezam namadin tamdani ve makanism npavitsaz farameli ra moord barresi gharar midehad. dar pasokh bah sw̉al esli «ejtema azim arabiin hasini az tariq cheh makanismenpehei jamaeishenakhti ve ba takieh bar kodam mw̉lafanpantacpehei tamdani, bah tahkim paieileyaye etegadi tashi ve taqvit npavit jami shieiyan mianjamad?» in farzieh ra mikand keh «ranpapeymayi arabiin ba tolid laieileyaye kolan ejtemaei ـ tamdani shi sakhtarehaye ayini, menaskegani ve goftaman moghavmat bah ravayatpardazi karbola bacpehmesabeh ostorecontacpehei moaser, nah taneya bah baztolid bavarehaye shiei mipardazad, bolkeh alguyi baraye «tamdan, misazad» baraye araeh midehad. mi shod.» moghaleh ba barresi sokhenan rayabran moazam enghalab ve npamchenin ba mosahebacpantacpehei mazzehabi ve jamaeishenasi dar khsus peyadehroye arabiin ve bardashtenpehei tamdansazaneh ve npavit bakhshi aneya az in «pedideh jami», ba estefadeh az nazarieileyaye jamaeishenakhti, bah tahlil in roydad azim pardakhteh est. in pajoosh ba estefadeh az menabe ketabakhanekyi, sokhenan rayabar mosahebeh dar saiat ishan ve npamchenin mosahebacpantacpehei rasmi ba enjam shodeh est. savalat esli ve farei az rosh mosahebeh dar moord mosael marbuteh porsideh shodeh est ve pes az barresi ve tahlil dadeh cpehei tahaqiq, farzieh esli ba tojeh bah tahlil kifi mosahebeh cpehei sort garafteh moord tayid vaghe shodeh est. cpehmisheh ayin cpeha ve adian mokhtelf ba cpehdaf npambastegi mian pirvan ve npavit bakhshi bah jarian ejtemaei khod, eyami ra dar sal moshkhs ve pirvan khod ra molzam bah sharkat dar in ejtemaat mi konand. yeki az piamenpehei in tajmaat, jacpehani ve bah noei jarian ejtemaei est keh mamolan dar jameh jacpehani tasirgozar est. zyert arabyne yky az moteomtaryne naghshesay heyaty fareang shye myhbashod kyeh npamvareh shyeyan rastyne ba ayne neshaneh dartul tarykh myeshvand. ali ragham risheh cpehei tarikhi peyad roye arabiin hasini dar aragh ema dar gharn akhir balat hokomet rezhim bas bar keshor aragh ve mokhaleft in hokomet ba npar goneh bargozari ayaen ve geramidasht cpehei mazzehabi dar aragh ve sharayet ameniti in keshor peyadeh roye arabiin amala tatil bud. ba sarangoni rezhim ghzayi aragh az sal 1382 in harkat mojaddan toset mardam aragh aghaz mi shod keh mi tavan oj giri peyadeh roye ve ejtema arabiin hasini ra bah panj sal gozashteh danst. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737752.html AbstractThe present study aims to explore and analyze the capacities of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran in strengthening and institutionalizing balanced behaviors in political and social arenas. In this study, balanced behaviors are defined as fair distribution of resources, institutional transparency, active participation of the community, mutual supervision, and reducing the concentration of power in political and social structures. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, by emphasizing social justice, legal equality, public participation, accountability of governance, and institutional balance, has provided an appropriate legal and legal framework for the realization of these behaviors. However, evidence shows that the implementation of these capacities faces challenges such as weak monitoring of institutional performance, inequality in access to resources, cultural barriers, lack of transparency in executive processes, and the gap between laws and practical procedures.The research method is designed as a descriptive-analytical one based on reviewing and analyzing legal documents, studying the opinions of domestic and foreign researchers, and conducting comparative studies. In this regard, principles of the Constitution such as Principles 3, 6, 7, 8, 20, 22, 23, 40, 56, 71, 91, and 177 have been analyzed to examine their role in strengthening justice, accountability, public participation, and creating institutional balance. The findings show that despite the existence of strong legal capacities, the weakness in implementing these principles and the gap between the text of the law and the executive realities have reduced their effectiveness.Accordingly, the present study proposes solutions that include strengthening civil and social institutions, developing transparency in the functioning of institutions, redefining and expanding public oversight, improving citizens' legal literacy, reforming executive structures, and harmonizing policymaking with the principles of the Constitution. The realization of these solutions can increase the accountability of governance, reduce the concentration of power, fairly distribute resources, and institutionalize balanced behaviors in the political and social arena.Keywords: Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, balancing behaviors, institutional transparency, social justice, good governance, public participation, accountability, institutional balance. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737754.html The holly Quran and constitution has put great importance on defending societies and rituals. In great many instances, the holly Quran encourages believers to martyrdom, sacrifice the self and stamina against the enemies, but it has forbidden terrorism and committing suicide. The holly Quran has identified martyrdom as a defensive Jihad and set its conditions. Therefore, martyrdom is the last resort as a defensive mechanism to defeat violation and defend Muslims interests since in this act the martyred person is killed based on his own will, some consider it as an act of suicide and impermissible. This study, investigating it based on proofs and jurisprudence, tries to demonstrate that the permit to these activities in times of intrusion of the circumstances of significance and importance in not farfetched because in Islamic verses and stories related to martyrdom (suicide) is way different. The proofs of exigency are dominant over those of sanctity ، and in priority of exigency over primarily conditions of intrusion, they are of primary importance. In addition, whenever in doing a martyrdom act a preferable interest and expedience is conceived, the rationales would not reproach it. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737755.html . John Rawls's theory of justice is based on some basic concepts such as the first position, the veil of ignorance, fairness, impartiality and the principles of justice. In addition to reflecting the concept of distributive justice in John Rawls's thought, social equality is also one of the concepts that has been reflected in the teachings of liberal democracy. From the conceptual point of view, social equality does not mean justice, but is one of the conditions and tools of justice. The concern of the present study is to examine John Rawls's mental image in the theory of justice, the relationship between John Rawls distributive justice and social equality in liberal democracy. Therefore, in answer to this question, it is formulated: How is the relationship between John Rawls' distributive justice and social equality established in liberal democracy? The results of the research show that Rawls's justice seeks common principles that are agreed upon by all, and clearly social equality is a measure of justice and the result of this agreement, so that all individuals in a particular society or group are in the same situation. Have specific aspects such as: civil rights, freedom of expression, property rights, http://sm.psas.ir/article_737756.html In any society, there are many power paradigms (dominant power paradigm and a number of marginal paradigms) that have privileges, wealth and status in the society. Elites and political leaders who are responsible for the realization of social goals, the continuation of social order, and overall development. In a situation where the structures of the society are confused, these agencies and their consciousness structure play an important role in the management and reconstruction of the society. A situation that can be seen in the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The current research seeks to answer the question, what were the roots of the consciousness structure of the power elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran (Imam Khomeini, Ayatollah Motahari, Ayatollah Shahid Beheshti and Ayatollah Taleghani)? The result of the discussions was that with the occurrence of the Islamic revolution and the weakness in the structures; Agency (paradigm of the ruling power), took over the role of rebuilding the society and establishing their desired structural system. Intellectual coherence, shared beliefs, values ​​and norms and, in general, teachings derived from Islamic teachings, formed the consciousness structure of this power paradigm. The approach adopted by the marginal commentators of the paradigm of power http://sm.psas.ir/article_737757.html Sociology of literature is one of the newest interdisciplinary sciences, which is considered one of the youngest among the different fields of social sciences. Sociological criticism of literary works is a method that investigates society and people and different and similar behaviors and actions of society in certain periods of time. The mission of this academic field is to use the social-political concepts of literary works in such a way that it reflects and narrates the real situation of the society and also represents the analysis of the writer and the author of the work. In the present study, the writer's attempt is to reread the political concepts highlighted in Shams Langroudi's poems. Through familiarity with the political-social currents of the contemporary world, Langroudi has been able to use the political-social themes and components in order to enrich his literary creations. The poet's attitude towards art and literature is such that he considers himself committed to his environment and society. Therefore, his poetic goals are tied to social-political indicators and he has expressed the concepts desired by sociologists sometimes with explicit language and sometimes by presenting symbolic images. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737758.html پژوهش حاضر به منظور معرفی انسان متعالی و تبیین نقش وی در ایجاد تمدن اسلامی انجام شده است. به منظور دستیابی به اهداف پژوهش از بن مایه های حکمت متعالیه که منطبق با مبانی قرآنی، فلسفی و عرفانی است استفاده گردیده و برای جمع آوری داده ها از روش تحلیلی-توصیفی استفاده شده است. نتایج نشان داد که بین انسان متعالی و تمدن متعالی ارتباط دوسویه وجود دارد و همدیگر را بازتولید می‌کنند. شأن ربوبی انسان متعالی اقتضا دارد در رهبری و مدیریت جامعه نقش اساسی و محوری ایفا نماید و جامعه را به سمت ایجاد تمدن متعالی اسلامی سوق دهد. یافته های تحقیق نشان می دهد انسان متعالی با طی اسفار اربعه به صفات کمالیه الهی دست می یابد که در ایجاد تمدن اسلامی نقش محوری خواهد داشت. انسان متعالی با سفر اول (من الخلق الی الحق) صفاتی نظیر خدامحوری، اخلاق مداری، شریعت پایگی و در سفر دوم( سفر بالحق فی الحق) صفات ولایت مداری، عشق و محبت به خدا و حکمت و در سفر سوم(سفر من الحق الی الخلق بالحق) صفات تحول خواهی، وحدت گرایی و روشنگری و در سفر چهارم (سفر بالحق فی الخلق) صفاتی چون مردم داری، روحیه جهادی و عدالت گستری کسب می نماید. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737759.html Administrative corruption is one of the organizational factors that make the development process of countries face a significant problem and cause the formation of basic problems and crises throughout the society. Factors affecting corruption and investigation are different and are investigated in different ways. Various analyzes can be collected: administrative and managerial factors, cultural and social factors; Political factors, economic factors. The purpose of this research is to examine human resources, human capital and administrative corruption in the governments of Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani. The main research question in this research is what are the causes of administrative corruption in Iran? The research method is analytical-descriptive. The results of the research show that the government acknowledges in the economy, it leads to corruption, the disconnection of human resources and human capital, which includes commercial-economic restrictions, industrial industries, price control. , the rates will be Multiple currencies, low wages in government services, business, and waste of natural resources such as oil. On the other hand, administrative corruption causes the reduction of domestic and foreign capital and the growth of the economy and the failure to realize the development of the economy in the country. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737760.html Ayatollah Khamenei considers the commitment of the Islamic state to be the formation of the Islamic society to bring people to spiritual perfection. The agents of the desired Islamic government, as guardians of society, need to realize social piety in themselves, which includes the three stages of awakening, reforming one's thoughts and doing one's duties and abandoning taboos. (Issue) One of the methods that can be used in extracting the relationship between self-awareness and social piety in the agents of the Islamic State is the use of thematic analysis method, which is included under the qualitative content analysis method. (Method) In this research, after studying and examining all the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei, 39 basic themes related to the research topic were extracted and in 10 organizing themes with the titles "What is Yaqzah", "The place of Yaqzah in political-ethical conduct", "Works Absence of Yaqzah, "Obstacles of Yaqzah", "Works of Yaqzah", "Conditions of Yaqzah", "Areas of Yaqzah", "Effective Factors of Yaqzah", "Methods of Yaqzah" and "Relationship of Yaqzah and Public Piety" were organized and 4 overarching themes " The essence and position of Yaqza", "Works related to Yaqza", "Requirements for realization of Yaqza", "Mechanism of Yaqza" were obtained. (Results) http://sm.psas.ir/article_737761.html . همواره یکی از دغدغه‌های اصلی نظام‌های عدالت کیفری، تحقق عدالت با تمرکز بر حفظ و ارتقای امنیت اجتماعی، همراه با پیشگیری از وقوع مجدد جرم بوده است. طی سال‌های اخیر، این دغدغه‌ها زمینه‌ای برای تحول در رویکردهای سنتی نظام کیفری فراهم ساخته و به تدریج رویکردهای انسان‌محور و جایگزین، جای خود را به سیاست‌های خشن و واکنشی داده‌اند. نمود بارز این تغییر رویکرد را می‌توان در شکل‌گیری و توسعه نظریاتی نظیر «جرم‌شناسی صلح‌طلب» مشاهده نمود؛ رویکردی که مبنای تحلیل آن بیش از مجازات و سرکوب، بر محوریت انسان، کرامت بزه‌دیده و بازاجتماعی‌کردن بزهکار و تلاش برای ترمیم رابطه اجتماعی مخدوش‌شده توسط بزه قرار گرفته است.پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از روش توصیفی–تحلیلی و مبتنی بر داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای، در صدد بررسی ابعاد و مصادیق عملی بهره‌گیری از رویکرد جرم‌شناسی صلح‌طلب در سیاست‌های عدالت کیفری نظام حقوقی ایران و مطالعه تطبیقی برخی مقررات فراملی در این حوزه است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که رویکرد صلح‌طلبانه در جرم‌شناسی، نگاهی نو به پدیده جرم ارائه می‌دهد و معتقد است با به‌کارگیری روش‌ها و مکانیسم‌های جایگزین از جمله میانجی‌گری، مصالحه، عذرخواهی، خدمات عام‌المنفعه و دیگر اقدامات ترمیمی، می‌توان ضمن جبران واقعی آسیب‌های وارده به بزه‌دیده و جامعه، زمینه بازگشت مثبت بزهکار به جامعه را نیز فراهم ساخت. این مهم ضمن کاهش حس انتقام‌جویی و کاهش میزان تکرار جرم، در نهایت سبب ارتقاء سرمایه اجتماعی و همبستگی ملی می‌گردد.در نظام حقوقی ایران، به ویژه در پرتو اصلاحات صورت‌گرفته در قانون مجازات اسلامی مصوب ۱۳۹۲، گام‌های مهمی در جهت پذیرش و اجرای جرم‌شناسی صلح‌طلب برداشته شده است. مقررات مربوط به مجازات‌های جایگزین حبس، توسعه نهاد میانجی‌گری و مصالحه، توجه به بازپروری محکومان و امکان گذشت و تراضی، همگی، تجلی‌هایی از اجرای سیاست‌های مبتنی بر عدالت ترمیمی و صلح‌طلبانه می‌باشند. همچنین تطبیق آموزه‌های این رویکرد با اسناد بین‌المللی مانند قواعد توکیو (۱۹۹۰)، اصول راهنمای عدالت ترمیمی سازمان ملل و میثاق حقوق مدنی و سیاسی، نویددهنده تقویت این رویکرد در قوانین ملی کشور است.در مجموع، یافته‌های پژوهش گواه آن است که توسعه رویکرد جرم‌شناسی صلح‌طلب و بومی‌سازی آن در چارچوب نظام حقوقی ایران، می‌تواند ضمن اعتلای عدالت کیفری و کاهش تراکم جمعیت کیفری زندان‌ها، زمینه ارتقاء امنیت اجتماعی، تقویت احساس رضایت بزه‌دیدگان و بازپذیری اجتماعی مجرمان را فراهم آورد. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737763.html The political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, centered on the divine rule of the jurisprudent, which is based essentially on the jurisprudential thought of Imam Khomeini (RA), in the first step, suggests similarities with the philosophy of the king, Plato, and then his Islamic narrator, Farabi. Therefore, the coexistence or negligence of the structure of these two systems is the point of study and the issue of this article, which at first begins with a brief description of the language theory of Ferdinand Dossoor, attempting to establish a language system governed by Farabi's thought and then its interception in the political language system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this The framework is expressed and, with the comparative study of these two systems, we seek to show that despite the difference in the jurisprudential-philosophical practice of al-Farabi with the jurisprudence of Imam Khomeini. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737764.html Virtual social networks have pushed the complex world forward of their users and pushed them into new relationships in the community. These relationships are reflected in all areas of collective life. Therefore, the main question in this research is, how did the expansion of social networking virtualities play in the process of political socialization in Iranian society? The main hypothesis is that the expansion of social networks has led to undermining the role of the state and increasing civil society, such as parties, associations, nongovernmental media., in the process of political socialization in Iranian society. . Therefore, in this research, we tried to collect a researcher made questionnaire and a research method. Data gathering was conducted using the Cochran formula. The statistical population of the students of Social Sciences Faculty of Islamic Azad University of Tehran Center, number 178, was selected as a sample size. The findings of the research in Spearman correlation coefficient test show that as the significance level of the correlation test between the use of virtual social networks and political socialization (based on political participation and party attitudes during the election) is less than the 0.05 error rate, It can be concluded http://sm.psas.ir/article_737765.html Barjam can be seen as a new form of US cooperative action in the context of an organized multilateral agreement between Iran and the major powers to end sanctions, normalize relations between Iran and the major powers, and ultimately return Iran to the family of nations. Borjam has been a turning point in the passage of Iran's economic sanctions resolutions. US withdrawal from Borjam led to renewed economic sanctions on Iran; A trend that has exacerbated Iran's economic crisis and exacerbated strategic differences between Iran and the United States. The main question of the article is "What are the same and different signs of the process of nationalization of the oil industry and the comprehensive joint action plan?" The article hypothesizes that "the reorganization and nationalization of the oil industry is the result of Iran's cooperative policies with the great powers based on the rules of interaction and inclusive action and has led to instability of communication action, political and economic risks for Iran." Content analysis method is used in compiling the article. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737767.html One of the signs of progressive and transformative governance in religious communities is attention and concern for unity among Muslims. In a situation where enemies are using all hardware and software facilities to destroy the Islamic law and are using various methods to create a gap between the ranks of Muslims with various religious tendencies, it is necessary for the followers of the Islamic nation to interact with each other in a proper manner, and on the path to realizing the flourishing of the new Islamic civilization, to have effective synergy and purposeful planning, and to neutralize the poisonous plans of the opponents. This article aims to examine the Quranic foundations of unity in the thought of the helmsman of the Islamic Revolution. Among the findings of the present study is that from the perspective of the wise leader of the revolution, it is possible to have an effective role in the formation of a religious community and expand it by setting the Quran as a standard, constructive communication between scholars of both sects, bringing hearts closer, and using the capacity of Hajj. This is achieved by removing external and internal obstacles to unity. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737768.html In this article, with the method of content analysis, in Farabi's political philosophical approach, the factors of the state's inefficiency are the set of mental/thoughtful software factors of man and his civil life, and the structural and objective hardware factors and unreasonable, unwise, and unfair management. which leads to oppression and injustice on individuals and society and hinders the state in the productivity of individual individuals and institutions and their effectiveness in the management structure, although the software factors are the foundation of the hardware public. are The results are that; 1- The basis of these factors is in not using wisdom and foresight and not paying attention to the interests and common good of all people in every class and group. 2- The lack of moderate governance on the individual powers of people and on the managers of the society and the lack of policy on the axis of civil justice on the structures and in the management towards true happiness, the society and the state in flourishing the talents of all people and classes and in reaching the happiness of the people of the society. Real - not illusory and imaginary – stops. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737769.html این تحقیق به دنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سازمانهای چریکی دخیل در انقلاب اسلامی دارای رویکرد و عملکرد حقوق بشری بوده اند یا خیر?و چنین مقولهای تا چه میزان در نظر و عملکرد آنها نقش اساسی و مهم ایفا کرده است .مسلما این امر میبایستی مورد توجه قرار بگیرد که رویکرد عملی این سازمانها به میزان قابل توجهی اعمال و تصمیمات آنها را در آینده تحت تاثیر خود قرار داده است فرض بر آن است که سازمانهای چریکی به دلیل مبانی تئوریک وعملکرد وشیوة مبارزه متکی بر روش مسلحانه وتوجیه وسیله براساس هدف نمیتوانند با حقوق بشر منطبق باشند. یافته‎های مقاله حاکی از آن است که سازمانهای مسلحانه وچریکی فعال در انقلاب ایران کمترین سنخیتی با حقوق بشر نداشته و رویکرد آنها به دلیل خاستگاه فکری و روش مبارزه آنها با حقوق بشر و اصول و مبانی آن همراه نمیباشد. سازمانهای چریکی بدون سازگاری اندیشههایشان با حقوق بشرتنها در واکنشهای تاریخی اجتماعی و سیاسی و صرفا جهت منکوب نمودن مخالفین و یا رقبای خود از حقوق بشر به مثابه ابزاری در محکوم کردن سایرین استفاده نموده اند. با این احتساب یافتههای مقاله موید آن است که حقوق بشراساسا بامبانی بنیادین فکری وسیاسی سازمانهای چریکی در ایران همخوانی ندارد http://sm.psas.ir/article_737770.html Abstract: Constructive interaction between freedom of expression and the right to criticize plays a vital role in ensuring accountability, transparency, and ultimately the effectiveness of government systems, including Islamic government. Despite the theoretical importance of these two concepts in Islamic thought, how to achieve a desirable and effective interaction model between them that strengthens the foundations of government and advances the public interest remains a matter of debate and requires careful analysis. This research aims to present a desirable model of interaction between freedom of expression and the right to constructive criticism within the framework of the Islamic government and focuses on increasing the efficiency of the system. The main question of the research is: What are the basic components and mechanisms of the desirable model of interaction between freedom of expression and the right to constructive criticism, which leads to the efficiency of the Islamic government? This article examines the theoretical, jurisprudential foundations and practical requirements of this interaction using a descriptive-analytical research method and using library and documentary resources. Therefore, to collect the material, in addition to referring to reputable scientific sources and books in the field of political science and political thought, a collection of articles and opinions from domestic and foreign experts and thinkers was also utilized. The research findings show that the desired model is based on principles such as the principle of mutual accountability between the ruler and the citizen, the principle of distinguishing between constructive and destructive criticism, the principle of information transparency, and the principle of judicial security for critics. Its realization requires mechanisms such as institutionalizing formal and informal channels for receiving criticism, strengthening a culture of accepting criticism among agents, and developing transparent legal frameworks to guarantee responsible freedom of expression. This research concludes that achieving efficiency in Islamic governance depends on creating and institutionalizing a dynamic and balanced model of interaction between freedom of expression and the right to constructive criticism, in which, while protecting legitimate freedoms, the capacity of criticism is utilized to reform matters and improve governance. Keywords: freedom of expression, right to criticism, constructive criticism, Islamic governance, efficiency of the system, interactive model, political jurisprudence. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737771.html secular regime and the reliance of the clergy on the head of power raised many questions in the minds of political thinkers and sociologists, such as whether the clergy can lead the Iranian society towards "democratization". guide and basically, what is the attitude of this religious institution with its key representatives towards the concepts and components of democracy? The main purpose of this article is to answer the same question, for this purpose, by using the theory and models of democracy "David Held", the thought of one of the most key traditionalist clerics in the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Sheikh Mohammad Yazdi, with a qualitative method about democracy. We discussed and raised the hypothesis that the traditional clergy with its leading representative (Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi) had a conservative attitude towards democracy by rejecting modernity; Based on this, the studies and findings indicated that Ayatollah Muhammad Yazdi organized his opinions based on the religious texts and jurisprudence and guarded the traditional jurisprudence and traditional interpretation of Islam in order to consolidate and strengthen the ideological state against the seven indicators. David Held's democracy has resisted. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737772.html The prerequisite for any kind of national development and prosperity is the existence of political stability, under which social forces can coordinate their energy and creativity by forming and achieving coalitions and unity, and pave the way for achieving national goals. Several factors can cause political instability and prevent society from growing, flourishing, prosperity, and national vitality. One of these factors, according to historical, political, and social experiences, is the existence of an ethnic identity crisis. Since Iran is a multi-ethnic country that includes Kurds, Arabs, Lors, Azeris, Turkmens, Baluchis, and Persians, this study focuses on the ethnic identity crisis as a political threat in the Islamic Republic. First, ethnicities are identified and whether these ethnicities suffer from an ethnic identity crisis or not. Then, if there is an ethnic identity crisis, has this crisis had any effect on political stability? To achieve these goals, a descriptive-analytical research method was used, and the desired information was examined through a library study (books, articles, and journals) to test the hypothesis of the relationship between the ethnic identity crisis and political instability in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results indicate that, first, the ethnic identity crisis existed among a number of ethnicities in Iran before and after the Islamic Revolution. Second, this ethnic identity crisis has been the basis for political instability in the political system of the Islamic Republic at certain times. Considering the above-mentioned findings, although one cannot be reductionist in analyzing the factors underlying political instability, the ethnic identity crisis can also be considered as one of the important factors underlying political instability. The findings of this study show that managing the ethnic identity crisis through comprehensive socio-cultural policies and strengthening inter-ethnic dialogue can help reduce political tensions. Also, paying attention to the cultural and linguistic rights of ethnic groups within the framework of the constitution and implementing logically balanced development programs can pave the way for national cohesion and sustainable political stability. Finally, this research emphasizes the necessity of adopting a comprehensive and multidimensional approach in analyzing the phenomenon of political instability in multiethnic countries. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737773.html In this article, the security effects of the fifth wave of terrorism on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed. In order to answer this problem, it has been tried to explain the emergence of the fifth wave of terrorism in the framework of the model of pluralistic order, and to present a new conceptual model for understanding security called pluralistic security.In fact, its purpose is to show that in the form of new structural changes at the two levels of the system (the spread of authority) and the region (the emergence of the fifth wave of terrorism), what perception of security has been formed in the Islamic Republic and to what extent this perception of security is with a A complete understanding of security is compatible. In this framework, a main question and a secondary question were proposed. The main research question is "How has the fifth wave of terrorism affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" And in response to this hypothesis, it was proposed that "the fifth wave of terrorism, by creating new structural pressures, has created a perception of security in the processes of securitization in the security actors, http://sm.psas.ir/article_737775.html This research was conducted to investigate how and why the dominant collective identity of the Kurds in Iran played a role after the Islamic Revolution and the evolution of the objective and subjective ideas of this new identification in the reading of the Kurdish elite. The theoretical framework of the research is based on two axes: what are the identity ideas and explaining the evolution of the collective identity of the Iranian Kurdish people, and measuring the relationship and ratio of the social, political, and cultural dimensions of ethnic identity with national and global identity. Since Castells' theory has a great affinity with the changes and developments in Iranian society and, in addition, it tries to distance itself from essentialist approaches to identity, it has been considered as the main theoretical basis of the research. After examining the views and reviewing the existing empirical sources in an analytical-theoretical approach using multiple methods (interview method, documentary method, and content analysis), the research seeks to answer this question while formulating the main hypothesis: What is the Kurdish elite's reading of why and how the identity ideas of the people of Iranian Kurdistan have evolved after the Islamic Revolution? It seems that in the reading of Kurdish elites, the identity ideas of the people of Kurdistan, influenced by internal and external variables, have changed from a structured nature with an ethnic-centered semantic system in the early days of the revolution to a semi-structured nature involved in discourses of gender, class, religion, and politics, which has a positive and convergent relationship with the socio-cultural dimension of national identity, but a negative and divergent relationship with its political dimension. The findings of this study show that in the reading of Kurdish elites, the variables of benefiting from economic, political, cultural, and social capital, along with the variable of the level of development of ethnic regions, while changing identity ideas, also determine the level of convergence or divergence of the collective identity of the Kurds from the national identity. Therefore, it seems necessary to adjust the points of difference, contradiction, and conflict in the cultural, social, political, and economic domains. http://sm.psas.ir/article_737776.html The purpose of this study is to design a model of good governance with an integrated approach and explain its impact on the performance and effectiveness of public organizations with the mission of covering little attention to the basics of political science in public administration. Extraction and in order to implement the Delphi technique, it was provided to 37 academic and organizational experts. The results, based on the literature of effective democratic governance and factor analysis tests, have formed a model of good governance including 2 dimensions, 9 components and 28 indicators. A) Political dimension (5 components and 14 indicators): accountability and transparency (3 indicators), social justice (3 indicators), moral law (4 indicators), participatoryism (2 indicators) and anti-corruption (2 indicators). B) Management dimension(4 components and 14 indicators): interactive justice(4 indicators), efficiency and empowerment(5 indicators), creative development(2 indicators) and professional virtual networks (3 indicators). The results showed that the proposed model from the perspective of employees has an effect on organizational performance and a correlation coefficient of 0.621 indicates a positive and strong relationship. Also, from the client's point of view, good governance has an effect on organizational effectiveness and a correlation coefficient of 0.641 indicates a positive and strong relationship. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741100.html موضوع حکومت از دیرباز از مسائل اساسی بشر بوده است. در جوامع اسلامی، مسلمانان همواره به دنبال پی‌ریزی سازمان سیاسی مبتنی بر فلسفه سیاسی اسلام بوده‌اند که در نتیجه آن در عصر حاضر، جنبش‌های مختلف اسلامی به وقوع پیوست که انقلاب اسلامی ایران به رهبری امام خمینی(ره) بارزترین نمونه آن است. این پژوهش با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از روش تحلیل محتوای کیفی، به دنبال تبیین تطبیقی کارکرد دولت اسلامی در دو گفتمان شیعی (با تأکید بر آراء امام خمینی) و سنی معاصر (با تأکید بر اندیشه حسن البنا) است و به بررسی مباحث مشروعیت نظام، مرکز تصمیم‌گیری، فرایند قدرت، قلمرو دخالت دولت و حق نظارت و انتقاد مردم می‌پردازد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در تفکر ولایت فقیه، مشروعیت حکومت ریشه در نصب الهی دارد و مردم نقش فعلیت‌بخش و مشارکت‌آفرین ایفا می‌کنند؛ در حالی که در اندیشه اخوان‌المسلمین، مشروعیت بر پایه قرارداد اجتماعی و شورا استوار است. همچنین در نظام ولایت فقیه، مرکز تصمیم‌گیری متشکل از رهبری و قوای سه‌گانه با نظارت رهبر است، در حالی که در اندیشه البنا، مجلس شورا به‌عنوان کانون اصلی تصمیم‌گیری مطرح می‌شود. این پژوهش با ارائه جدول تطبیقی، نقاط اشتراک و افتراق دو گفتمان را به‌صورت نظام‌مند تبیین کرده و نشان می‌دهد که با وجود اشتراکات فراوان در اهداف کلان (اجرای شریعت، ایجاد حکومت اسلامی و مقابله با غرب)، تفاوت‌های بنیادینی در مبانی مشروعیت، نقش مردم و مرکز تصمیم‌گیری میان دو گفتمان وجود دارد. موضوع حکومت از دیرباز از مسائل اساسی بشر بوده است. در جوامع اسلامی، مسلمانان همواره به دنبال پی‌ریزی سازمان سیاسی مبتنی بر فلسفه سیاسی اسلام بوده‌اند که در نتیجه آن در عصر حاضر، جنبش‌های مختلف اسلامی به وقوع پیوست که انقلاب اسلامی ایران به رهبری امام خمینی(ره) بارزترین نمونه آن است. این پژوهش با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از روش تحلیل محتوای کیفی، به دنبال تبیین تطبیقی کارکرد دولت اسلامی در دو گفتمان شیعی (با تأکید بر آراء امام خمینی) و سنی معاصر (با تأکید بر اندیشه حسن البنا) است و به بررسی مباحث مشروعیت نظام، مرکز تصمیم‌گیری، فرایند قدرت، قلمرو دخالت دولت و حق نظارت و انتقاد مردم می‌پردازد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در تفکر ولایت فقیه، مشروعیت حکومت ریشه در نصب الهی دارد و مردم نقش فعلیت‌بخش و مشارکت‌آفرین ایفا می‌کنند؛ در حالی که در اندیشه اخوان‌المسلمین، مشروعیت بر پایه قرارداد اجتماعی و شورا استوار است. همچنین در نظام ولایت فقیه، مرکز تصمیم‌گیری متشکل از رهبری و قوای سه‌گانه با نظارت رهبر است، در حالی که در اندیشه البنا، مجلس شورا به‌عنوان کانون اصلی تصمیم‌گیری مطرح می‌شود. این پژوهش با ارائه جدول تطبیقی، نقاط اشتراک و افتراق دو گفتمان را به‌صورت نظام‌مند تبیین کرده و نشان می‌دهد که با وجود اشتراکات فراوان در اهداف کلان (اجرای شریعت، ایجاد حکومت اسلامی و مقابله با غرب)، تفاوت‌های بنیادینی در مبانی مشروعیت، نقش مردم و مرکز تصمیم‌گیری میان دو گفتمان وجود دارد. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741101.html در عصر فناوری اطلاعات مشاغل بواسطه استفاده از فضای نامحدود اینترنت می‎توانند از هرجایی در دنیا قراردادهای الکترونیکی بین‎المللی را منعقد کنند. بدیهی است که احتمال رخ‎دادن اختلافات برون‎مرزی در قراردادهای الکترونیکی بسیار بیشتر از موارد کاغذی و سنتی است؛ چرا که آنها بسیاری از آن قراردادهای تجاری ماهیت داخلی دارند. درباره صلاحیت محاکم در دعاوی ناشی از قراردادهای الکترونیکی، در قانون تجارت الکترونیکی مصوب 1382، مقرره‎ای پیش‎بینی نشده است، لذا برای تعیین تکلیف این مسأله، باید به قوانین و معیارهای تعیین صلاحیت در قراردادهای سنتی، رجوع کرد. بعضی از معیارهای تعیین صلاحیت، معیارهایی هستند که در قراردادهای الکترونیکی عیناً مانند قراردادهای سنتی بررسی و احراز می‎شود که عبارتند از: محل اقامت، محل وقوع مال غیرمنقول، و بعضی دیگر از جمله این معیارها هستند. در حقوق آمریکا صلاحیت دادگاه بر اساس دو مؤلفه تعیین می‌شود. یکی انجام یکسری اعمال و فعالیت‎های هدفمند از سوی طرفین قرارداد در مورد یک مرجع رسیدگی و دیگری اعمال صلاحیت منطقی در خصوص مرجع رسیدگی‎کننده . مقاله حاضر با هدف بررسی تطبیقی صلاحیت محاکم برای رسیدگی به دعاوی مربوط به قراردادهای الکترونیکی در حقوق ایران و آمریکا به بحث پیرامون قواعد و مقررات تعیین صلاحیت در این دو نظام حقوقی پرداخته است. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741102.html Although ISIS succeeded in capturing parts of Iraq and Syria between 2012 and 2016, it never achieved international acceptance, and its rulers' behavior was in conflict with the principles and rules of the United Nations. However, the international rejection of ISIS does not mean ignoring the role of this group in regional relations. In recent years, there have been widespread developments in the Middle East, including the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government in Syria, the escalation of tensions between Hamas and Israel, and geopolitical changes that have affected the relations of countries in the region. These developments have made it more obvious than ever before that there is a need to review the models for confronting terrorist groups such as ISIS. This study aims to examine the impact of geopolitical indicators of confronting ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, a mixed research method (qualitative-quantitative) has been used. In the qualitative section, data were collected and coded using the opinions of experts and specialists in the field of Takfiri groups and ISIS. In the quantitative section, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed based on the findings of the qualitative section and completed by experts and planners of international relations in the Revolutionary Guard Corps. The research findings show that the impact of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran is influenced by historical backgrounds, socio-cultural axes, security policies, and geopolitical factors. Also, recent regional developments, including the fall of Assad and the war between Hamas and Israel, have had an impact on the extent and manner of ISIS’s impact on regional relations. By examining geopolitical factors, this study suggests solutions to counter the negative effects of ISIS on Iran’s regional relations. The research findings show that the impact of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran is influenced by geopolitical factors. Also, recent regional developments, including the fall of Assad and the Hamas-Israeli war, have affected the extent and manner of ISIS's influence on regional relations. This study also suggests strategies to counter ISIS's negative effects on Iran's regional relations. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741103.html بررسی سیاستگذاری پولی در ایران، از موضوعات مهم در مباحث اقتصادی است. مسئله مهم در پژوهش حاضر این است که میان سیاستگذاری پول نئولیبرال و اقتصاد اسلامی چه رابطه ای برقرار است؟ اگر بخواهیم سیاستگذاری پولی نئولیبرال در ایران را از منظر اقتصاد اسلامی مورد ارزیابی قرار دهیم به چه نتایجی دست خواهیم یافت. فرضیۀ این پژوهش بر پایۀ این مفرض استوار شده است: «رویکرد نولیبرال در ساحت پولی-بانکیِ کشور، به رغم هژمون شدن، زیان‌بار است». بر پایۀ این مفروض این پژوهش درپیِ آزمون این گزاره است: «رویکرد بانک‌داری اسلامی در ساحت پولی-بانکی، توانائی فائق شدن بر کاستی‌های رویکرد نولیبرال در ساحت پولی-بانکی کشور دارد». با توجه به اینکه در اقتصاد اسلامی نوعی همگرایی میان اخلاق دینی و دانش مدیریت کسب‌وکار وجود دارد که می‌توان گفت موجب شکل‌گیری اقتصاد معنوی یا غیرمادی می‌شود؛ بر این اساس سیاستگذاری پولی نئولیبرالی در ایران در مواردی در تضاد با اقتصاد اسلامی وجود دارد و در برخی موارد میان این دو امکان جمع وجود دارد. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741104.html Comparing Shiite narrational interpretations and paying attention to their differences shows that the authors of narrational interpretations, influenced by the contextual conditions, have exercised ijtihad in order to discover the meaning of the verses in the form of selecting narrations. This is contrary to the belief of some Quran scholars that these interpretations are not ijtihad. In this regard, this article, using a descriptive-analytical method, compares early and late Shiite narrative interpretations and applies the concept of context in author-centered hermeneutic theories to examine the differences between these interpretations in the issue of the permissibility or impermissibility of interacting with the Sultan. The aim of this research is to shed light on hidden aspects of this issue and to reveal examples of the ijtihad of the authors of narrative interpretations in formulating their interpretations. The research hypothesis is that the formation of a fully-fledged and independent Shiite Safavid government, as a turning point in the history of Shiite political jurisprudence, has been an influential context that has led to a difference in the approach of later narrative interpretations compared to earlier narrative interpretations. The research results show that Shiite narrational interpretations on the aforementioned issue are distinct from each other in various aspects. The number of narrations that the commentator cites in interpreting the verses, the way the commentator arranges and arranges the narrations, and the selection of sources that the commentator refers to when citing the narrations are some of the ways in which these interpretations differ from each other. But in the issue of the permissibility or impermissibility of interacting with the Sultan, what specifically distinguishes these interpretations from each other is the approach of the later commentators, especially Faiz Kashani, Hawizi, Bahrani, and Qomi Mashhadi, on this issue, in a way that, unlike the earlier commentators of the second to fourth centuries, In addition to mentioning narrations that warn against interacting with the Sultan and the royal court, these commentators have also turned to mentioning narrations that allow interaction with the Sultan, subject to certain restrictions and conditions, and in accordance with certain interests. The reason for this difference in approach can be assessed by considering the contemporaneity of the period of composition of the later narrational interpretations with the rise of the Shiite Safavid government. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741105.html The main goal of this article is to analyze the discourse of the effects of the freedom movement in the process of the Islamic revolution based on the theory of James Paul G. The findings show that in the first question, the authors have made concepts such as monotheism, acts of worship, resurrection and nationwide important and prominent. In the second question, the authors show concepts such as secularists, teachers, educators and soldiers as an identity. In the third question, they explain the relationship between religious and modern groups. In the fourth question, the authors explain the establishment of the beard, the turban. In the fifth question, the authors explain the action aimed at the goal of the prophets, the action aimed at solidarity from all the forces of the nation. In the sixth question, the authors explain the critical look at the arguments of Islamic scholars and jurists regarding the relationship between monotheism and science,. In the seventh question, the authors of the discourse of human belief in the creator from the beginning, the formation of a permanent internal and cultural revolution in people, the discourse of the gradual evolution of living beings consider it appropriate and privileged. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741106.html Jihad is included in many verses of Quran. War and peace are central subjects of International Relations. But is it possible to make a connection between the theoretical view of the science of international relations and the Islamic view of war and peace? In this article, we want to use the rational explanation of the logic of Jihad based on Allameh Tabatabai’s theory of credits of, which is presented in another article by the same authors, to reflect on the relationship between two Islamic scientific traditions and the scientific tradition of international relations in the field of war and peace. We present these reflections on three topics: "Causes of War and Conflict", "Collective Security System" and "Comparison of Diplomacy-Strategy Dualism with Da'wah-Jihad Duality" to provide ideas to establish a connection between two practical traditions. The current research is presented under the Islamic meta-theory of international relations, hence the foundations of ontology, epistemology and methodology in the Islamic meta-theory of international relations are the assumptions of the topics presented in this article. The method of this research is proof-deductive. The type of basic research is case study and static analysis. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741107.html Since the beginning of international relations and the formation of national governments, international organizations have played a role as institutions to maintain peace and human rights. However, the Gaza war, as one of the biggest human rights challenges in recent decades, has revealed the inefficiencies of these organizations. The United Nations, the Security Council and the International Criminal Court have made efforts to respond to the Gaza crisis, but they have faced many political and legal obstacles that have prevented the effective implementation of resolutions and the prosecution of war crimes. One of the key results of this research is the failure. International organizations are dealing with the violation of human rights in Gaza and its wide-ranging effects on global politics. These inefficiencies have led to diplomatic changes in the behavior of different countries and revision of international human rights policies. Finally, this research shows that it is necessary to strengthen international enforcement mechanisms and create a stronger political will at the global level to deal with human rights violations, so that crises like the Gaza war can be dealt with more effectively. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741108.html Civil disobedience, which is considered as a protest procedure by citizens in the scene of political and social activities, is a violation of the law as a protest movement in order to achieve legitimate and rightful demands. This political and social movement in the West has been formed in parallel with the emergence of large protest movements against the governments and has witnessed ups and downs. In Nahj al-Balagha, Amir Mominan has written against examples of these oppositions with a descriptive-analytical method and by using library and internet sources, and the result is that not only the definition of civil disobedience in the words of Ami al-Mominin in Nahj al-Balagha is exactly the same. And it is the definition that the West has of this word and its limits, but beyond that, Hazrat Ali (AS) considers it a mandatory task for opposing citizens to help the upliftment of the Islamic society in the form of a model of mutual cooperation.Civil disobedience, which is considered as a protest procedure by citizens in the scene of political and social activities, is a violation of the law as a protest movement in order to achieve legitimate and rightful demands. This political and social movement in the West has been formed in parallel with the emergence of large protest movements against the governments and has witnessed ups and downs. In Nahj al-Balagha, Amir Mominan has written against examples of these oppositions with a descriptive-analytical method and by using library and internet sources, and the result is that not only the definition of civil disobedience in the words of Ami al-Mominin in Nahj al-Balagha is exactly the same. And it is the definition that the West has of this word and its limits, but beyond that, Hazrat Ali (AS) considers it a mandatory task for opposing citizens to help the upliftment of the Islamic society in the form of a model of mutual cooperation. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741109.html سیاستگذار امنیتی به دنبال درک مسئله امنیتی،تمرکز بر آن،شناخت تهدیدات امنیت و در نهایت یافتن راه حل مناسب برای برقراری امنیت در حوزه‎های داخلی کشور‎ها و دولت‎ها است. با وجود آنکه عراق در فاصله سال‎های 2001 تا 2020 موفق به سیاستگذاری امنیتی به واسطه استقرار دولت‎های پسا صدام بوده است، اما به نظر می‎رسد که این سیاستگذاری همراه با موانع و چالش‎هایی مواجه بوده است. در این مقاله با مطالعه اسنادی و روش کیفی داده‎ها و با محتوای بنیادی- نظری و روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و مبتنی بر چارچوب نظری ساختار هویتی قدرت، عهده دار پاسخ به این سوال است که: سیاستگذاری امنیت ملی عراق در فاصله سال‎های 2001 تا 2020 برمبنای ساختار هویتی قدرت با چه چالش‎ها و موانعی مواجه بوده است؟ به نظر می رسد(فرضیه) سیاستگذاری امنیتی ملی عراق در فاصله سال‎های 2001 تا 2020 بر مبنای ساختار هویتی قدرت با موانع و چالش‎هایی چون: بحران هویت ملی، شکاف‎های متاثر از تعارض بین گروه‎های سیاسی روبرو بوده است. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741110.html This article analyzes the structure of power distribution in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the political thought of Ayatollah Dr. Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti. Rather than relying solely on theoretical or legal approaches, which often remain at the level of conceptual description or prescription, this research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, drawing on interdisciplinary models adapted from physics and engineering—particularly the Political Reynolds Number and the concept of prestressing. The aim is to present an innovative and practical framework for engineering the architecture of power within Iran’s distinct socio-political landscape. Findings indicate that, in Beheshti’s framework, the ideal power structure is built upon three main pillars. The first is religious leadership and the institution of the Supreme Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih), which act as the axis of unity and moral guidance, fostering cohesion and purpose. The second is the separation and interaction of powers to prevent concentration of authority, enhance transparency and efficiency, and ensure accountability across governance levels. The third is the genuine participation of citizens and elites through political parties and intermediary institutions, guaranteeing the system’s dynamism, legitimacy, and regeneration, while also strengthening social capital. The article’s originality is in its use of scientific metaphors and interdisciplinary models to analyze the dynamics of party politics, the interplay of transformative and inhibitory forces, and the connection between intermediary organizations and the broader power structure. The proposed three-layered model is inspired by Islamic principles and responsive to Iran’s social realities. Thus, it not only strengthens the system’s resilience and capacity for internal reform but also provides a practical roadmap for advancing religious democracy, nurturing committed elites, and boosting problem-solving capacity in response to the complex challenges facing Iranian society today. Ultimately, the research shows that successful realization of this model requires attention to cultural and institutional factors and an increased level of political participation and public awareness, paving the way for sustainable transformation and active engagement by future generations. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741111.html The word secularism essentially means the separation of religion and state. This means that government institutions should not be influenced by religious organizations and should remain neutral in religious matters. The contradictions between secularism and religion are complex; in multicultural societies, conflicts arise when religious and secular lifestyles collide. In short, the conflict between secularism and religion often stems from the tension between religious and secular values and the role of religion in society. This research, using a descriptive and explanatory approach and documentary and library methods, seeks to examine Jürgen Habermas's view on the role and function of religion in societies. Therefore, the author's concern is what approach does Habermas promote regarding the role of religion and its functions in the modern era? In response to this issue, Habermas has recently increasingly focused on the issue of "religion". Habermas advocates a concept called “post-secular society,” a society in which religious and secular citizens engage in dialogue to create a common framework for cooperation. He emphasizes the importance of "cross-translation," meaning that religious values and concepts must be expressed in a way that is understandable to secular people and vice versa. Unlike secular, post-secular means that the religious dimension is not seen as an obsolete or outdated model. The secularist view assumes that religion still exists at present, but will end at some point. The post-secular perspective assumes that religion should remain influential in the public sphere and public debates and should not be devalued. According to Habermas, secularism requires engagement with religious traditions to maintain legitimacy and social cohesion. Although Habermas is increasingly interested in the philosophy of religion, he does not neglect any of the areas opened up by the theory of reason and communication. Rather, he seeks points of contact within religion to which our degraded normative consciousness can connect and revive itself. Jürgen Habermas considers his thinking to be post-metaphysical. His position should be seen as an analysis of the increasing role and importance of religion in modern, secular society. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741122.html This research seeks to answer the question of what is the logic of the political thought of Nizam al-Mulk in the form of the theoretical model of Spragens' is. Regarding the theoretical framework, the result of the review of his Siyāsatnāmeh and political thought is the problem and the main crisis in the opinion of Khajeh are the lack of familiarity of the Turks with the state of governance of society and ill-religious. He sees the causes of the problem as a tradition of tribalism of the Seljuq Turks and a lack of familiarity with the state of the art. Other causes are the Isma'ili, the esoteric, the Qurmatian and ill-religious. According to Khwaja, treatments are: formation of a divorced and just government, not hiring the ill-religious people in the government and the establishment of military. His ideal is a combination of the ancient Iranian tradition and the Islamic period. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741276.html ظهور جرم و تلاش انسان برای کنترل آن، به تاسیس زندان انجامید. در گذر زمان نحوه رفتار با فرد زندانی به عنوان مسئله بسیار مهم مورد توجه نظام‎های حقوقی مختلف قرار گرفت. در نتیجه امروزه در قوانین داخلی همه کشورها، قوانینی تحت عنوان حقوق بنیادین زندانی وجود دارد. با انقلاب ارتباطات توجه جهانی به حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی افزایش یافت و اداره امور جامعه از حکومت به حکمرانی تغییر معنا و مفهوم یافت و اراده‌ای بین المللی برای رعایت آن در حال شکل‌گیری است. مسئله پژوهش حاضر ترسیم حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی از منظر اسناد بین‎المللی است. بدین منظور اسناد عام و خاص بین‎المللی مورد بازخوانی قرار گرفته و حکمرانی مطلوب که شکل آرمانی حکمرانی در اداره و مدیریت منابع و امور عمومی جامعه و رعایت حقوق بشر از جمله حقوق بشری زندانی است مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. دستاورد پژوهش آن است که از توجه به اسناد عام و خاص بین‎المللی موجب می‎شود، قوانین داخلی منطبق با قوانین بین‎المللی در دستور کار قرار گیرد، تا سازواری اجرایی بیشتری در حقوق زندانی بدست آید. همچنین حکمرانی مطلوب بر اصول اخلاقی چون منزلت انسانی، برادری و مساوات، عدالت، عدم تبعیض و در کل رعایت اصول حقوق بشر به ویژه حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی استوار است و موجب افزایش مشروعیت داخلی و بین المللی نظام سیاسی می‌شود. روش انجام پژوهش نظری، توصیفی و تحلیلی و جمع‌آوری اطلاعات از طریق فیش‌برداری و مراجعه به منابع کتابخانه‌ای صورت‌گرفته است. ظهور جرم و تلاش انسان برای کنترل آن، به تاسیس زندان انجامید. در گذر زمان نحوه رفتار با فرد زندانی به عنوان مسئله بسیار مهم مورد توجه نظام‎های حقوقی مختلف قرار گرفت. در نتیجه امروزه در قوانین داخلی همه کشورها، قوانینی تحت عنوان حقوق بنیادین زندانی وجود دارد. با انقلاب ارتباطات توجه جهانی به حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی افزایش یافت و اداره امور جامعه از حکومت به حکمرانی تغییر معنا و مفهوم یافت و اراده‌ای بین المللی برای رعایت آن در حال شکل‌گیری است. مسئله پژوهش حاضر ترسیم حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی از منظر اسناد بین‎المللی است. بدین منظور اسناد عام و خاص بین‎المللی مورد بازخوانی قرار گرفته و حکمرانی مطلوب که شکل آرمانی حکمرانی در اداره و مدیریت منابع و امور عمومی جامعه و رعایت حقوق بشر از جمله حقوق بشری زندانی است مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. دستاورد پژوهش آن است که از توجه به اسناد عام و خاص بین‎المللی موجب می‎شود، قوانین داخلی منطبق با قوانین بین‎المللی در دستور کار قرار گیرد، تا سازواری اجرایی بیشتری در حقوق زندانی بدست آید. همچنین حکمرانی مطلوب بر اصول اخلاقی چون منزلت انسانی، برادری و مساوات، عدالت، عدم تبعیض و در کل رعایت اصول حقوق بشر به ویژه حقوق بنیادین و بشری زندانی استوار است و موجب افزایش مشروعیت داخلی و بین المللی نظام سیاسی می‌شود. روش انجام پژوهش نظری، توصیفی و تحلیلی و جمع‌آوری اطلاعات از طریق فیش‌برداری و مراجعه به منابع کتابخانه‌ای صورت‌گرفته است. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741277.html Religious zeal in Islam is of such importance that it is always mentioned as a clear indicator and the most important driver of micro and macro social action in the society, as well as a guarantor of religious governance at internal and external levels. This article tries to investigate the functions of religious zeal in the field of foreign policy. Based on this, the main question of this article is what are the functions of religious zeal in the field of foreign policy from the perspective of verses and traditions? To answer this question, documentary and analytical methods have been used. The findings of this article indicate that disobeying infidels and enemies, not accepting domination, disobeying and not being friends with them, avoiding oppression and being oppressed, avoiding tyranny are among the negative functions of religious zeal in foreign policy. is counted Establishing installments and justice (centered justice), jihad, strengthening the defense structure, helping the oppressed and the oppressed are also considered among the positive functions of religious zeal in foreign policy in Islamic teachings. Religious zeal in Islam is of such importance that it is always mentioned as a clear indicator and the most important driver of micro and macro social action in the society, as well as a guarantor of religious governance at internal and external levels. This article tries to investigate the functions of religious zeal in the field of foreign policy. Based on this, the main question of this article is what are the functions of religious zeal in the field of foreign policy from the perspective of verses and traditions? To answer this question, documentary and analytical methods have been used. The findings of this article indicate that disobeying infidels and enemies, not accepting domination, disobeying and not being friends with them, avoiding oppression and being oppressed, avoiding tyranny are among the negative functions of religious zeal in foreign policy. is counted Establishing installments and justice (centered justice), jihad, strengthening the defense structure, helping the oppressed and the oppressed are also considered among the positive functions of religious zeal in foreign policy in Islamic teachings. http://sm.psas.ir/article_741709.html موضوع جهانی‌شدن‌ موجب کوچک‌‎شدن جهان‌ و درنهایت‌ به‌ تعبیرمارشال‌ مک‌لوهان، پیدایش‌ دهکده‌ جهانی گشته‌ است. حتی‌ چنین‌ وضعیتی‌ برخی‌ را بر آن‌ داشته‌ است‌ که‌ از «پایان‌ تاریخ» سخن‌ بگویند. هدف این مقاله تبیین بعضی از خصوصیات اقتصادی جهانی‌شدن، به سمت پیشرفت‌های صنعت و فناوری، تحول بزرگ در حمل‌ونقل و پیشرفت اقتصادی و همچنین ناتوانی نهادهای اقتصادی بین‌المللی در رونق اقتصادی است که این خصوصیت‎هااز یک سو مقدمات فنی تشکیل حکومت جهانی را آماده می‎نماید و از سوی دیگر موجب ناامیدی جامعه بشری از عملکرد رهبران جهانی‎شدن با پذیرش فرهنگ اعتقاد به منجی می‎شود. از سویی در بعد سیاسی جهانی‌شدن، از بعضی خصوصیات مانند ضعیف‌شدن حاکمیت و بی‌ارزش‎شدن مرزهای بین‎المللی و سرخوردگی جامعه بین‎المللی از نظام‎های سیاسی جهانی یاد می‎شود. این خصوصیت‎ها سبب‌شده است که پایه‎های عملی پذیرش نظریه عدالت محور حکومت جهانی در فکر جهانیان بیشتر از قبل پیشرفت کند و زمینه شهروندی مردم جهان خود را در یک حکومت جهانی مهیا کنند.